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- "The
Mother of all Racial Preferences"
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- Affirmative
Action Meets
- the
System of White Privilege
-
- Reported
- March 20, 2003
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- by Tim Wise
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- Ask a fish what water
is and you'll get no answer. Even if fish were capable of speech,
they would likely have no explanation for the element they swim
in every minute of every day of their lives.
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- Water simply is.
Fish take it for granted.
So too with this thing we hear so much about, "racial preference."
While many whites seem to think the notion originated with affirmative
action programs, intended to expand opportunities for historically
marginalized people of color, racial preference has actually
had a long and very white history.
Affirmative action for whites was embodied in the abolition of
European indentured servitude, which left African (and occasionally
indigenous) slaves as the only unfree labor in the colonies that
would become the United States.
Affirmative action for whites was the essence of the 1790 Naturalization
Act, which allowed virtually any European immigrant to become
a full citizen, even while African Americans, Asian Americans
and American Indians could not.
Affirmative action for whites was the guiding principle of segregation,
Asian exclusion laws, and the theft of half of Mexico for the
fulfillment of Manifest Destiny.
In recent history, affirmative action for whites motivated racially
restrictive housing policies that helped 15 million white families
procure homes with FHA loans from the 1930s to the '60s, while
people of color were mostly excluded from the same programs.
In other words, it is hardly an exaggeration to say that white
America is the biggest collective recipient of racial preference
in the history of the cosmos. It has skewed our laws, shaped
our public policy and helped create the glaring inequalities
with which we still live.
White families, on average, have a net worth that is 11 times
the net worth of African American families, according to a recent
study; and this gap remains substantial even when only comparing
families of like size, composition, education and income status.
A full-time African American male worker in 2003 makes less in
real dollar terms than similar white men were earning in 1967.
Such realities are not merely indicative of the disadvantages
faced by African Americans, but indeed are evidence of the preferences
afforded whites - a demarcation of privilege that is the necessary
flipside of discrimination.
Indeed, the value of preferences to whites over the years is
so enormous that the current baby-boomer generation of whites
is currently in the process of inheriting between $7-10 trillion
in assets from their parents and grandparents - property handed
down by those who were able to accumulate assets at a time when
people of color by and large could not.
To place this in the proper perspective, we should note that
this amount of money is more than all the outstanding mortgage
debt, all the credit card debt, all the savings account assets,
all the money in IRAs and 401k retirement plans, all the annual
profits for U.S. manufacturers, and our entire merchandise trade
deficit combined.
Yet few whites have ever thought of our position as resulting
from racial preferences. Indeed, we pride ourselves on our hard
work and ambition, as if somehow we invented the concepts.
As if we have worked harder than the folks who were forced to
pick cotton and build levies for free; harder than the Latino
immigrants who spend 10 hours a day in fields picking strawberries
or tomatoes; harder than the (mostly) women of color who clean
hotel rooms or change bedpans in hospitals, or the (mostly) men
of color who collect our garbage.
We strike the pose of self-sufficiency while ignoring the advantages
we have been afforded in every realm of activity: housing, education,
employment, criminal justice, politics, banking and business.
We ignore the fact that at almost every turn, our hard work has
been met with access to an opportunity structure denied to millions
of others. Privilege, to us, is like water to the fish: invisible
precisely because we cannot imagine life without it.
It is that context that best explains the duplicity of the President's
recent criticisms of affirmative action at the University of
Michigan.
President Bush, himself a lifelong recipient of affirmative action
- the kind set aside for the mediocre rich - recently proclaimed
that the school's policies were examples of unfair racial preference.
Yet in doing so he not only showed a profound ignorance of the
Michigan policy, but also made clear the inability of yet another
white person to grasp the magnitude of white privilege still
in operation.
The President attacked Michigan's policy of awarding 20 points
(on a 150-point evaluation scale) to undergraduate applicants
who are members of underrepresented minorities (which at U of
M means African Americans, Latinos and American Indians). To
many whites such a "preference" is blatantly discriminatory.
Bush failed to mention that greater numbers of points are awarded
for other things that amount to preferences for whites to the
exclusion of people of color.
For example, Michigan awards 20 points to any student from a
low-income background, regardless of race. Since these points
cannot be combined with those for minority status (in other words
poor African Americans don't get 40 points), in effect this is
a preference for poor whites.
Then Michigan awards 16 points to students who hail from the
Upper Peninsula of the state: a rural, largely isolated, and
almost completely white area.
Of course both preferences are fair, based as they are on the
recognition that economic status and even geography (as with
race) can have a profound effect on the quality of K-12 schooling
that one receives, and that no one should be punished for things
that are beyond their control. But note that such preferences
- though disproportionately awarded to whites - remain uncriticized,
while preferences for people of color become the target for reactionary
anger. Once again, white preference remains hidden because it
is more subtle, more ingrained, and isn't called white preference,
even if that's the effect.
But that's not all. Ten points are awarded to students who attended
top-notch high schools, and another eight points are given to
students who took an especially demanding AP and honors curriculum.
As with points for those from the Upper Peninsula, these preferences
may be race-neutral in theory, but in practice they are anything
but. Because of intense racial isolation (and Michigan's schools
are the most segregated in America for African Americans, according
to research by the Harvard Civil Rights Project), students of
color will rarely attend the "best" schools, and on
average, schools serving mostly African American and Latino students
offer only a third as many AP and honors courses as schools serving
mostly whites.
So even truly talented students of color will be unable to access
those extra points simply because of where they live, their economic
status and ultimately their race, which is intertwined with both.
Four more points are awarded to students who have a parent who
attended the U of M: a kind of affirmative action with which
the President is intimately familiar, and which almost exclusively
goes to whites.
Ironically, while alumni preference could work toward the interest
of diversity if combined with aggressive race-based affirmative
action (by creating a larger number of brown alums), the rollback
of the latter, combined with the almost guaranteed retention
of the former, will only further perpetuate white preference.
So the U of M offers 20 "extra" points to the typical
African American, Latino or indigenous applicant, while offering
various combinations worth up to 58 extra points for students
who will almost all be white. But while the first of these are
seen as examples of racial preferences, the second are not, hidden
as they are behind the structure of social inequities that limit
where people live, where they go to school, and the kinds of
opportunities they have been afforded.
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- White preferences,
the result of the normal workings of a racist society, can remain
out of sight and out of mind, while the power of the state is
turned against the paltry preferences meant to offset them.
Very telling is the oft-heard comment by whites, "If I had
only been black I would have gotten into my first-choice college."
Such a statement not only ignores the fact that whites are more
likely than members of any other group - even with affirmative
action in place - to get into their first-choice school, but
it also presumes, as anti-racist activist Paul Marcus explains,
"that if these whites were black, everything else about
their life would have remained the same."
In other words, that it would have made no negative difference
as to where they went to school, what their family income was,
or anything else.
The ability to believe that being African American would have
made no difference (other than a beneficial one when it came
time for college), and that being white has made no positive
difference, is rooted in privilege itself: the privilege that
allows one to not have to think about race on a daily basis;
to not have one's intelligence questioned by best - selling books;
to not have to worry about being viewed as a "out of place"
when driving, shopping, buying a home, or for that matter, attending
the University of Michigan.
So long as those privileges remain firmly in place and the preferential
treatment that flows from those privileges continues to work
to the benefit of whites, all talk of ending affirmative action
is not only premature but a slap in the face to those who have
fought, and died, for equal opportunity.
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- Tim Wise is the Director
of the newly formed Association for White Anti-Racist Education
(AWARE) in Nashville, Tennessee. Mr. Wise is also a commentator
with ZNet.org, a community of people committed to social change.
He lectures across the country about the need to combat institutional
racism, gender bias, and the growing gap between rich and poor
in the United States.
-
- This
article was published courtesy of Tim Wise.
- Copyright
© 2003 Tim Wise. All rights reserved by the author.
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